Life on the Mississippi: An Epic American Adventure

I DIDN’T SPEND A YEAR building a wooden flatboat and then sailing it two thousand miles down the Mississippi to New Orleans simply because I was suffering from a Huck Finn complex, although that certainly played a part. It was hot that spring on the Tennessee farm where we built the boat and I often relieved the tedium of nailing on deck planking or raising roof stringers by daydreaming about spinning lazily down through the muddy boils, exploring remote islands and sandbars, or pulling off at sunset into bayous thick with cattails and cypress stumps. Mostly, though, I was entranced by history. I hungered to see that river country when I stumbled across an account of one of the first boatmen who braved the water route that America followed toward prosperity and greatness.

In the spring of 1782, an enterprising Swiss-German farmer from Reading, Pennsylvania, Jacob Yoder, landed on a novel scheme for marketing his crops that considerably brightened his own prospects and opened one of the most lyrical eras in American history. Yoder faced the kind of economic dilemma that would periodically bedevil his fellow Americans for the next century. The autumn before, General George Washington had accepted the surrender of the British forces at Yorktown in Virginia, effectively ending the American Revolution, but negotiations over the terms of American independence would drag on in Paris and London for another eighteen months. Until a treaty was signed, the transatlantic markets upon which the former colonies relied were closed, and the phenomenal productivity of the German enclave in Pennsylvania had filled the market sheds of Philadelphia and New York with excess produce, severely depressing prices. America, an agrarian society almost wholly dependent on global markets for its crops, was an economic stillbirth.

Yoder was a veteran of the Revolution and accustomed to adventure, and he could hardly have avoided looking west. He had already proved valuable to the cause of independence by organizing expeditions to southern Virginia and frontier Kentucky to gather herds of cattle and horses to supply the Continental army. That made him one of the few Americans to witness firsthand the budding nation’s rambunctious and largely unplanned movement west. Throughout the Revolution, settlers, Continental army deserters, and fur trappers had been streaming across the Appalachians, following the Great Valley Road through western Virginia and then across to Kentucky over the Cumberland Gap. Farther north, over tortuous mountain roads in western Maryland and Pennsylvania, packhorse and wagon trains were establishing the first commercial feelers with the rich but barely settled Ohio country.

A more direct water route to the Ohio valley, however, lay just across the Alleghenies, at the majestic three-rivers junction near Pittsburgh, where the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers joined to form the Ohio. From there, just a few weeks’ float down the Ohio past the falls at Louisville, lay the great interior prize of the North American continent, the massive, meandering planet of water called the Mississippi. The Mississippi and its tributaries, connecting more than fifteen thousand miles of navigable water, could deliver passengers and product unimaginable distances in every direction, but especially to the south and the most alluring gold pot of all, the Spanish territories of Louisiana. The blockading of northern cities during the Revolution, and Europe’s insatiable demand for American beaver pelts, had turned the Spanish port along the Gulf of Mexico, New Orleans, into the third largest city in North America and the fastest-growing export center in the world. Milled grain to feed the bursting city, or for shipment to Europe, was in great demand. Southern Louisiana’s appetite for the commodities that frontier America had to offer—lumber, whiskey, barreled salt pork to feed its growing slave population—would prove voracious. A two-thousand-mile float down the Ohio and the Mississippi to New Orleans seemed highly speculative, even dangerous, but it was Yoder’s best route to a market for his crops.

After spending the winter milling his grain into flour and corn meal, Yoder decided to embark along the banks of the Monongahela River at Redstone Old Fort, a wilderness military post and frontier Quaker settlement dating back to 1759. Later renamed Brownsville, Pennsylvania, during the Revolution the landing along the Monongahela had developed into a lively complex of boatyards specializing in building simple rafts and flatboats for local frontier traffic down the Ohio. Yoder paid a local sawyer about $75 to mill two dozen green oak trees into “half-log” gunwales, deck and floor planking, and probably built his long above-deck shed enclosure to protect his barrels from the rain out of poplar or pine. He launched on the Monongahela in May, floated thirty-five miles north to the Ohio, and spent the next three months negotiating the rapids and submerged logs carried down by the spring rains to New Orleans, where he bartered his grain for paper “script” exchangeable in the Spanish port of Havana, Cuba. There, he bought a cargo of beaver pelts, which he then shipped to Baltimore and sold at a profit estimated at almost $2,000, a small fortune then for just a few months’ work. As word of his river adventure spread, dozens and later hundreds of farmers and tradesmen followed, turning Brownsville and nearby Pittsburgh into one of the busiest boatbuilding locations in America and, eventually, the center of a booming steamboat business. Yoder floated the Ohio and Mississippi rivers to New Orleans several more times and eventually settled in Kentucky, helping to form the territorial government along the new Ohio valley frontier.

The great flatboat era, which opened the frontiers of interior America to the world, had begun. From a trickle of relatively small forty-foot boats every year at the end of the 18th century, the Mississippi River traffic would swell to over 3,000 eighty-foot flatboats a year by the 1840s. Another 4,000 to 5,000 flatboats plied the tributaries of the Ohio and the Mississippi, transferring cargo to larger boats that traveled all the way to New Orleans, turning sleepy frontier villages like Vincennes, Indiana, and Cincinnati, Ohio, into boomtowns. The explosion of river traffic revolutionized American trade and made transportation, particularly river transportation, a defining achievement of the country. The success of flatboat routes to world markets through New Orleans triggered the explosive growth of steamboat traffic after the 1830s, and by the Civil War more than four thousand miles of canals had been built, integrating the rivers, tributaries, and man-made waterways into a diverse and flexible cargo delivery system that supported America’s industrial revolution and the vast expansion of its agricultural economy in the 19th century. Historian David S. Reynolds calls America during this period the “Waking Giant.” “What is now called economic globalization,” Reynolds writes, “began with advances in water transportation during the two decades after 1815.” Jacob Yoder and his many followers unleashed a transportation revolution that opened America to the world.

The exploration of an inland water route to New Orleans occurred just in time, providing the thousands of Scotch-Irish and German settlers streaming into Kentucky and the “northwest territory” of Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana a ready market for their crops. Strangely, the flatboat era and its immense impact on American history is rarely taught in schools, even at the college level, but, of course, a book the size of Edward Gibbon’s The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire could be written about the subjects American historians and schoolteachers have failed to bring to our attention. As much as the writing of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, or, say, Andrew Jackson’s bank war in the 1830s, it was the inland rivers that formed America during its first, seminal burst of growth. During the early decades of the 19th century, the massive flatboat traffic drifting down the Ohio and the Mississippi established the westward drive and political outlook that eventually allowed America to straddle the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific. This riverine movement began a half century before the more celebrated era of the “pioneers” crossing the western plains in covered wagons in the 1850s. The inland rivers—not the wagon ruts crossing from Missouri to Oregon—were America’s first western frontier.

The rivers also carried a much larger migration. During the first five decades of the 19th century, more than three million migrants ventured down the Ohio and Mississippi river valleys to the swelling southwestern frontier. In the 1840s and 1850s, a comparative trickle—fewer than 500,000 travelers—crossed the plains west of the Missouri River by overland routes, primarily the Oregon and California trails. Still, the dusty journey via covered wagon remains the dominant image of America’s westward spread, a classic instance of popular myth prevailing over fact.

Compared to its trading rivals in Europe and the West Indies, America in the early 19th century was what we would call today a developing country, and the economic impact of the internal river trade was staggering. Economic historian Isaac Lippincott compiled statistics that showed that the commercial receipts for river cargo in New Orleans totaled $22 million in 1830, or about $660 million in today’s dollars. By 1840, the New Orleans river trade—swelled by the enormous growth in cotton exports—had increased to almost $50 million. By the Civil War, the cargo moving south through New Orleans was valued at $200 million, or $6 billion today. Lippincott estimates that, meanwhile, “inland river commerce” hubs like St. Louis, Cincinnati, and Natchez, Mississippi, were also trading cargo valued at $200 million or more by the Civil War. Like the Nile, the Thames, or the Seine before them, the western rivers in America became a floating supply chain that fueled national growth.

In Drifting Downriver, artist David Wright captures the combined economic drive and romance of piloting a flatboat—in this case, past the bluffs of the Cumberland River in Tennessee—a seasonal passage that defined three generations of Americans in the 19th century.

This is not just a curious feature of history. In 2019, according to the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, which controls twelve thousand miles of inland waterways through its extensive lock and dam system, waterborne vessels carried $80 billion of America’s cargo. States like West Virginia and Kentucky still rely on the Ohio and Mississippi for anywhere from $2 billion to $8 billion of their annual commerce. A typical fifteen-barge tow on the western rivers carries as much freight as 1,050 semitrucks. If river barges were eliminated, travel on American highways would become an unimaginable nightmare. The flatboat and its direct successor, today’s metal river barge, link 240 years of American history.

The opening of America’s vast inland water network went beyond the economic leap that developed a young nation into a global export giant. The river journey down the Ohio to the Mississippi became a shared American romance, a water route that joined the spare, Anglo-Presbyterian frontier to the north with the exotic beauty and opulent wealth of the Creole plantations to the south, opening vast new horizons for the average American. “For farmers in the Ohio valley, flatboat voyages were both a normal and recurrent aspect of economic life,” writes historian Richard Slotkin, “and an extraordinary adventure that carried them beyond the bounds of provincial culture.” Over time, dozens of roofed leviathans of one hundred feet or more, carrying a hundred tons of cargo each, drifted to New Orleans every year. The flatboat trade annually employed more than twenty thousand “river men” in what became one of America’s largest industries. The drifting colonies of young men acquired maritime skills, a language, a music, and attitudes about labor and trade that were carried back north to their disparate farming villages during the most formative period of America. The flotilla of boats drifting every year from Pittsburgh to New Orleans created a peculiar but potent nation within a nation. Wanderlust, and the alacrity with which Americans solved economic problems through adventure, became distinct national traits. Prior to the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, the Mississippi acted as America’s western border, preventing expansion into the colonial empires of Spain and France. Over the next forty years, the vast lands beyond the Mississippi were transformed into a thoroughly American space. More than any other factor, flatboat traffic down the Ohio and the Mississippi drove this leap west.

The pattern of life that quickly absorbed four generations of Americans—farming and clearing land all summer, then riding the rivers to markets in the late winter or spring—supported a demographic shift that would determine American history. At the end of the American Revolution, only 3 percent of Americans, about 130,000 settlers and African American slaves, lived west of the Appalachians. By 1820, abetted by the Louisiana Purchase and the dredging of rivers and the excavation of canals to create the inland waterway system, the Ohio and Mississippi valleys supported more than 2 million Americans, nearly 20 percent of the national population. Thirty percent of the American population would live west of the Appalachians by 1830.

The westerner became the new American prototype and transience became a common lifestyle. Within two or three years of settlement and the clearing of the rich alluvial bottomlands of the Midwest, the hearty pioneer farmers found that crop yields usually exceeded what they required for subsistence. But America would have been stalled, its farmers trapped by a primitive barter economy, without a trade route south. Now an extraordinary sweep of the North American continent along the vast Mississippi drainage—from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico—became linked by an intricate network of ports and transshipment wharves that developed into a sophisticated market system. River towns boomed and factories to supply the water traffic—barrel makers, ropewalks, foundries to make steam engines, stoves, and ship’s bells—mushroomed wherever there was good water access. Hull design, dredging, and navigation and the complexities of an import-export economy became American specialties, rivaling the mercantile prowess of Europe. The pathway for further western movement became clear.

Flatboats were the ideal conveyance for a developing country with boundless energy but little cash. A generation of young frontiersmen who could already build almost anything—a wagon, a log cabin, an irrigation sluice—with just an axe and a manual drill didn’t need a lot of capital or specialized training to build a flatboat. With timber from the nearest forest, often already harvested to clear fields, the simple half-round gunwales and deck planking for a vessel could be milled in just a few days. The long, shedlike structures above the decks to keep the cargo dry were no more complicated to build than a frontier pole barn. The flow of the rivers—inexhaustible and cheap—provided the energy to carry millions of tons of cargo downstream.

The most zealous advocate for cheap water transport was Zadok Cramer, a lapsed New Jersey Quaker and devotee of Benjamin Franklin who moved to Pittsburgh in 1800. Cramer quickly established himself as a bookbinder, printer, and publisher of meticulously researched almanacs. He became famous among the river travelers for his series of navigation books and gazetteers on the Ohio and the Mississippi, called The Navigator. Cramer updated his river gazetteer almost yearly and sold hardback copies for $1 at his bookstore in Pittsburgh and at boatyards along the Monongahela. The Navigator became the indispensable Baedeker for the thousands of new flatboaters hurrying over the Alleghenies, and Cramer became a kind of Adam Smith for the new inland rivers economy that was pushing the American center of gravity southwest.

In colonial times, and continuing well into the 19th century, the West Indian trade was one of the most lucrative exchanges in the Americas, as the Eastern Seaboard exported tons of timber, salt pork, flour, and cheese in return for Caribbean molasses, rum, and sugar. In his 1814 edition, Cramer quoted studies that showed the sudden and surprising advantages of river transport over ocean shipping. “Flour, corn, beef, ship plank, and other useful articles, can be sent down the stream to west Florida [parts of Louisiana, including New Orleans, Mississippi, Alabama, and the Florida panhandle], and from thence to the West-India islands, much cheaper and in better order, than from New York or Philadelphia to those islands.” According to The Navigator, it was “at least 50 percent cheaper” to send heavy bulk cargo—baled tobacco or forged iron—down the Ohio to the Mississippi than it was to carry the same products just sixty miles across the traditional overland route, the muddy wagon roads of Pennsylvania. During the “freshets” of rain in the spring and late fall, immense, one-hundred-ton loads of pork, whiskey, and cordwood were propelled downstream at five or seven miles per hour. Boats bound for New Orleans could often make one hundred miles per day—four times the daily mileage of a team of draft horses. Freight delivered as quickly and inexpensively as this was just what the nascent economy of the new republic needed.

Even the original investment in construction timber could be recouped at a profit. At the end of their journey, most of the flatboats were broken apart and sold as the salvage beams, sidewalk planks, and furniture stock that built the boomtowns along the water route. Cincinnati’s first schoolhouse, the first residence in Maysville, Kentucky, and countless Creole cottages in some of New Orleans’s most charming neighborhoods were built with “bargeboards” from dismantled flatboats.

The boats were called “broadhorns” because the long side sweeps and steering rudders operated off the roofs above decks, outfitted with carved paddles at the bottom to push the water, resembled giant horns from a distance. Flatbottoms no more than 14 feet at the beam were called “Ohio” or “Kentucky” boats, indicating the operator’s plan to ship along only the narrow channels of a single river. The “Natchez” or “New Orleans” boats, 20 or 25 feet across and immensely long, were designed to carry large cargoes to the Sugar Coast plantations of Louisiana or all the way to the Gulf of Mexico. The simple crew shanties of the 18th-century boats were eventually expanded into elaborate, dormitory-style structures with bunk beds, cookstoves, and a wide living area with movable tavern furniture for meals and nighttime fiddling parties. The open-air decks on the bow and stern allowed boats to tie up together at night while the rivermen shared meals, news, and information about navigation hazards ahead. Often, four or five large flatboats were lashed together as a single, 500,000-pound fortress drifting in the channel, floating villages joined by elaborate catwalks and sleeping tents. Massive canvas sails were added and mounted from bow masts, catboat style, to give the barges headway around the bends and capture following winds on brisker days. These sails were called “latines,” or “lateens,” because they were modeled after the forward-mounted, triangular sails of the Roman galleys and the dhows of ancient Arabia. Their color was “tannin,” a yellowish-burgundy hue that emerged after the cotton and canvas sails were hardened and preserved in vats of tree bark (tannins), and then mixed with oxblood and linseed oil.

“The river men are inventive sorts who reject the slavery of being obliged to build in any received form,” one eastern traveler on the Mississippi wrote in 1820. “You can scarcely imagine an abstract form in which a boat can be built, that in some part of the Ohio or Mississippi you will not see, actually in motion.”

At night the lanterns of the joined boats cast spooky beams of light across the water and the caterwauling of the partying crews echoed for miles around the oxbows. By day, from the wharves at Vincennes, or the cliffs at Vicksburg, the pinkish tannin sails luffed around the bends above the tree line, mystically scudding south like pyramids suspended in the sky. Thousands of teenage boys, watching the parade of sails from the grassy banks at Marietta or Paducah, caught the fever and soon disappeared downriver. “No young man could count himself among the elite young bucks of the community,” one local history from Indiana read, “without having made at least one [flatboat] trip.”

The grand pageantry of American life drifted south and west beneath those sails. Every year there were long caravans of “settlers’ boats,” often called “arks” because of the menagerie of farm animals fenced in on their decks, plying the lower Mississippi and the tributaries of the Ohio to search for new lands. Many families lived on their flatboats for a year or more until they could stake a claim for property, and then disassembled their craft to build their first cabin in the wilderness. Another common variant was “store boats,” or “peddlers’ boats,” which tied up at the docks of small towns and plantations, their captains selling their cargo for cash or trading for goods that could be marked up for resale farther south. There were print boats for printers, “fire boats” loaded with charcoal and cordwood to sell along the way, floating brothels, for some reason called “gun boats,” and “smithy boats” for blacksmiths, even “whiskey boats,” also called “distillery boats,” with taverns and gambling halls mounted on jaunty rafts. Conversely, dozens of “colporteurs,” or traveling Bible salesmen and evangelists, plied the rivers in flatboats fitted out with steeples or high wooden crosses to advertise their mission. In 1847, two of these colporteurs, the Reverends Gideon H. Lowe and Malkijah S. Vaughan, ministers from a breakaway Tennessee evangelical group called the Cumberland Presbyterians, made a five-month trip down the Cumberland, Ohio, and Mississippi rivers on a thirty-two-foot flatboat named the Bethel. Lowe and Vaughan were scandalized when a group of rowdy rivermen purchased two dozen Bibles and resold them downriver at a profit to buy whiskey. But by the end of their journey the ministers reported that they had visited ninety-four flatboats, seventy-three steamboats, twenty river towns, and preached at seventy-two public meetings, and had either sold or given away 3,400 Bibles.

By the 1830s, the madcap cultural mixing that became America was enhanced by another commercial development. Shipments of Minnesota and Wisconsin logs, lashed together as “great rafts” a half-mile long and 150 feet across, blocked river traffic for hours as they snaked around the giant, curved oxbows. As they waited their turn on the bend, the flatboats swarmed together against the sandbars. A typical afternoon gathering included peddlers’ boats, Bible boats, and—most popular—“band” rafts with bagpipers from Scotland, minstrel shows, and traveling Irish harp-and-fiddle troupes. The flatboat crews and settler families restocked their larders from the peddler boats and walked down the bars to join the audiences ringed around the band rafts, forming a kind of flea market–cum–Woodstock along the banks. The roots music of every corner of Europe echoed across the waters, making the Ohio and the Mississippi the arteries that created America’s legendary multicultural sound. In his 1826 bestselling travelogue about his many trips west, Recollections of the Last Ten Years, Passed in Occasional Residences and Journeyings in the Valley of the Mississippi, the traveling minister and diarist Timothy Flint wrote: “Almost every boat, while it lies in the harbor has one or more fiddles scraping continually aboard, to which you often see the boatmen dancing.” The popular tunes included “Wind on the Wabash,” “Wiggle-Ass Jig,” and “Where Is My Pants At?” In his Old Man River, Paul Schneider writes that a violin medley “that started out as a Scotch-Irish reel from Ulster might be passed on along the river to a German fiddler from Mannheim, or a Bohemian Jew, or even a wayward Brahmin from Boston.” The inland river country, once so barren and uninhabited, had become quintessentially American—slapdash, colorful, ethnically mixed.

For the farm boys of Ohio and Illinois, reaching New Orleans—sultry, crowded with foreigners, and lined with the ornate mansions of the slave-owning South—was a cultural awakening. Downtown slave auctions and the huge bales of cotton lining the wharves symbolized the tragic complexities of a slave-holding South joined by the Mississippi into economic union with the slave-loathing North. The flatboat wharves along the great bend in the Mississippi beside the French Quarter became a riotous open market with rivermen screaming out prices for barrels of corn whiskey, sides of dried beef and hams, and the bang of auctioneers’ gavels echoing through the masts as commercial brokers bid for that day’s shipment of coal, flour, and cordwood.

The Mississippi’s greatest contribution to the American mindset was to define us as a migratory people, radically departed from our European antecedents. In the Old World, stasis, hereditary property rights, and social caste defined prosperity and happiness for the aristocracy and the merchant class, while virtually denying wealth for the common man. Crewing a flatboat on the Ohio and the Mississippi abruptly reversed that, becoming a template occupation for the new western man. At the edge of civilization in North America, at the wharves and bursting river towns of the new territories, social caste and standing belonged to the uprooted, the wayfarers, the self-made men and boys struggling with their oars to land a broadhorn against the current. Ohio or Indiana farm boys, after a river trip or two, became sophisticated travelers, educating themselves for careers as river captains, traders, and merchants. In 1818, Morris Birkbeck, an English writer and agronomist who migrated to America to become an Illinois frontiersman, observed in his Notes on a Journey in America, “The condition of the people of America is so different from aught that we in Europe have an opportunity of observing. They are great travelers and in general better acquainted with the vast expanse of country, spreading over eighteen states, than the English with their little island.” Birkbeck’s traveling companion, Henry Fearon, thought that “the American has always something better in his eye, further west. He therefore lives and dies on hope, a mere gypsy.”

They were gypsies, however, with a purpose, a mass economic movement that set a country on its way. The America of contemporary popular myth was built by the western wagon trails, the railroads, and the skyscrapers of Chicago and New York. But in its first decades America was primarily a river culture, built along a vast and rapidly growing universe of inland water. University of Pittsburgh historian Leland D. Baldwin, author of The Keelboat Age on Western Waters, may have said it best. “Perhaps it is not too much to say, that out of the womb of the ark was born the nation.”

The urge to build a flatboat and follow Jacob Yoder’s route from Pittsburgh to New Orleans didn’t overwhelm me right away. At first it simply annoyed me that I knew almost nothing about so formative an era in our history, and the yearning to learn more about flatboats wouldn’t go away. There was even an intellectual principle involved. I’ve found over the years that the history that I’ve either neglected or that has been deliberately hidden from me leads to far more interesting places than the accepted wisdom handed down by textbooks. Like most Americans, probably because of the impact of the Hollywood Western, I thought of “frontier America” as the period that began in the 1850s as pioneers, gunslingers, and cattle barons pushed into the plains country beyond the Missouri River. For me, as for so many Americans, that era and its character types became accepted as a cultural motif.

Devouring all that I could about America’s initial western leap down the Ohio and Mississippi was just the first part of the journey. As I pored over 19th-century maps and dipped into seminal works like Michael Allen’s Western Rivermen, 1763–1861, or Marquis Childs’s Mighty Mississippi, I began to realize with increasing intensity that the old frontier lands of the Ohio and Mississippi River valleys were calling me personally. I wasn’t just curious about what had become of the country that defined America’s first century of growth. My lifelong thirst for adventure and learning had mostly been land-borne. Now I would explore the mysteries of nationhood along this most captivating water space, bobbing like a cork in the currents, sharing the romance of my forebears.

I first stumbled upon the importance of the flatboating years while I was researching a book on the later generation of Americans who joined America’s ceaseless push west, the Oregon Trail pioneers of the 1850s. I was surprised to discover that fording skills were decisive for these “overland” travelers. When moving their cumbersome covered wagons across the wide rivers of the far West, the ability to fashion crude log rafts out of driftwood and felled trees often meant the difference between failure and success for the thousands of settlers who crossed Nebraska and Wyoming every summer. Flat-bottomed ferries, pontoon bridges, and floatable wagons shaped like hulls became indispensable fixtures on the trail crossings of the Platte, the Sweetwater, and the Green. As many as a third of the covered wagons that finally reached the Columbia River in Oregon were so completely battered by the two-thousand-mile journey over the plains and the Rocky Mountains that the pioneers had no choice but to rip their decrepit vehicles apart, convert the lumber to rafts or shallow-draft boats, and then complete their continental journey by floating the rest of the way to the Pacific coast. The sturdy Midwestern farmers and small-town shopkeepers who made up the bulk of the trail pioneers had inherited their boatbuilding skills from their fathers or their grandfathers during the flatboating era, demonstrating the plucky, hand-me-down ingenuity that built a country. For the average Midwestern farm boy in the 1820s, learning the rudiments of building a flatboat was no more challenging than framing a barn.

I loved how this understanding of frontier carpentry skills changed my conception of history. Traditional historians, when describing the creation of America, love to dwell on the high-sounding ideals of the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights—protections against big government, the promotion of individualism, freedom of speech and religion—but those were principles far removed from the hardscrabble, edgy lives of most 19th-century Americans. They were citizen-farmers, and they built America with logs, laboriously harvested by axe and two-man crosscut saws. First the logs were flatboats descending the Ohio, then they were converted into crude shacks on the frontier. If there was flatboat lumber after that, they used it to build furniture and simple barns. The steamboat boom that revolutionized American travel and cargo transportation in the 1830s and 1840s was the next logical step, and steamboats relied on flatboat hulls for their design. Federalism and the Missouri Compromise are, of course, useful things to understand. But now I felt refreshingly liberated from the conventions of thinking about our past, the composite of high theory and “great man” narratives that we call history. Logs were the national DNA. America was built by adventuresome people from trees.